Showing posts with label Capital. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Capital. Show all posts

Tuesday, 25 July 2017

Capital.150: Marx's Capital Today

Here are details of the two-day conference in September, with the relevant links:

Location: London WC1E 7HY, Malet Street, Student Central (formerly ULU)
Conference attendance fee £10.
Date/time: Tuesday 19 September (11am-8pm) – Wednesday 20 September 2017 (10am – 4pm)
Registration URL: http://bit.ly/2uhukxO
King's College website details here

Tuesday 19 September

Crises (11am–1:30pm)
  • Guglielmo Carchedi – The old is dying and the new cannot be born: the exhaustion of the present phase of capitalist development
  • Rolf Hecker – Marx’s critique of capitalism during the 1857 crisis
  • Paul Mattick jr – Crisis: abstraction and reality
  • Ben Fine, discussant
Imperialism (2:30pm–5pm)
  • Marcelo Dias Carcanholo, Dependency, super-exploitation of labour and crisis – an interpretation from Marx
  • Tony Norfield, Das Kapital, finance, and imperialism
  • Raquel Varela (& Marcelo Badaró Mattos), Primitive accumulation in Das Kapital
Mapping the terrain of anti-capitalist struggles (6pm–8pm)
  • David Harvey, Perspectives from the Circulation of Capital
  • Michael Roberts, Perspectives from the Accumulation of Capital

Wednesday 20 September

The future of capital (10am–12:30noon)
  • Alex Callinicos, Continuing Capital in the face of the present
  • Hannah Holleman, Capital and socio-ecological revolution
  • Fred Moseley, The rate of profit and the future of US capitalism
  • Eduardo Motta Albuquerque, Technological revolutions and changes in the centre-periphery divide
Labour and beyond (1:30-4pm)
  • Tithi Bhattacharya, Social reproduction theory: conceiving capital as social relation
  • Michael Heinrich, Communism in Marx's Capital
  • Lucia Pradella, Marx’s Capital and the power of labour: imperialism, migration, and workers’ struggles
  • Beverly Silver, Marx’s general law of capital accumulation and the making and remaking of the global reserve army of labour

Wednesday, 26 April 2017

Capital 150

On the 150th anniversary of the publication of Volume 1 of Marx's Capital, there is a two-day conference to discuss the importance of this work for understanding the world today. This international conference is held on 19-20 September 2017, sponsored by the Department of European and International Studies, King’s College London, and thenextrecession.wordpress.com blog.

Venue details: Student Central (formerly ULU), Malet Street, London WC1E 7HY

Speakers include:
  • Tithi Bhattacharya
  • Guglielmo Carchedi
  • Eduardo da Motta e Albuquerque
  • David Harvey
  • Michael Heinrich
  • Paul Mattick Jr
  • Fred Moseley
  • Tony Norfield
  • Lucia Pradella
  • Michael Roberts
  • Beverly Silver
  • Raquel Varela
The cost of attending is £10 for the two days. Other details including booking can be found here.


Tony Norfield, 26 April 2017

Wednesday, 1 March 2017

What is Marx’s Value Theory Worth?


At a recent talk I gave on imperialism, there was an interesting question raised on what I thought about Marx’s theory of value. This seemed to be prompted by my reference to Marx’s theory, while I spent little or no time using the terminology in Capital. So the logic of the question was: what is the point of Marx’s theory if one can do without it when explaining what is going on in the world?
Partly, the question is answered by saying that one does not always have to use specialist terminology to express ideas. For example, I have found it to be simpler in presentations to avoid Marx’s term ‘fictitious capital’, because that concept would take some time to explain properly and most people are not familiar with it. Even those who are commonly misunderstand it. Instead, I usually develop the same ideas more directly through discussing the role played by equities and bonds and their relationship to what the economy produces. However, the question needs to be put in a broader context.
Marx’s value theory analyses social labour under capitalism and the increasingly odd forms that it takes as capitalism develops: from being represented in the prices of commodities, to being the source of interest, profits, dividends, rents and tax revenues, to underlying, in an even more distorted fashion, the prices of financial securities. Marx’s theory shows how the capitalist market gives the system a particular dynamic, one that leads to the monopolisation of production and the creation of a world market as capital accumulates. The labour embodied in commodities may not tally directly with the prices they command in the market, but those (relative) prices remain strongly influenced by changes in social productivity. Furthermore, we get a longer-term process by which barriers to capitalist production are set by the tendency of the rate of profit to decline. Since the logic of capitalist production is to make a profit, this is the key underlying problem for capitalism as a social system. It is one that the (sometimes) well-meaning reformers of the system do not want to contemplate, so they exclude this from their analysis or go out of their way to deny this does, or even could, happen.[1]
These fundamental features of capitalism analysed by Marx remain in place, although the system has of course developed a great deal in the 150 years since Capital was written. The changing forms of capitalism have led many to argue that Marx’s theory is outdated or invalid today. But a proper Marxist analysis examines the dynamic of the system and the new forms that evolve out of the old, rather than simply to judge whether contemporary capitalism fits completely with an earlier conception of it.
In Capital Volumes 1, 2 and 3, Marx did not investigate relationships between countries in the world market. Some of this was done outside the three volumes, and plans for later volumes included a more systematic coverage of the state, foreign trade and the world market. So, for example, in Capital there was no real discussion of colonies, just brief mentions, nor much on monopoly or national differences in wages.
Lenin updated aspects of Marx’s work in his 1916 pamphlet Imperialism, drawing on other analyses. He correctly put greater emphasis on the division of the world economy between oppressed/oppressor nations, the territorial division of the world between the major powers, the propensity to war, on monopolies, bank/industrial capital and a ‘financial oligarchy’. This was a key advance in the analysis, and consistent with the idea of Marx’s value theory as being a theory of the evolution of and barriers to the capitalist system – hence Lenin’s term ‘moribund capitalism’. Many aspects pointed out by Lenin remain relevant today, even though these century-old forms have, of course, also developed. There is now a largely post-colonial world, although most countries are still clearly underdogs in the imperial hierarchy. There remains a propensity to war, but now with many wars by proxy, sponsored by the major powers.
I have some differences with Lenin’s analysis, as explained in my book, The City: London and the Global Power of Finance, especially on his understanding of finance, which was taken largely from Hilferding. However, perhaps Lenin’s greatest weakness was his analysis of the ‘labour aristocracy’, the unconvincing notion of how a labour elite getting the benefits of imperial privilege influences the broader working class with their pro-imperialist views. Even in Lenin’s time it would have been more convincing to have taken into account how the mass of people in rich countries were patriotic for their own reasons, ones that had a strong basis in reality rather than a supposedly infectious ideology. They saw, and still see, their economic interests tied up with that of their own states, and they benefit in their wages and welfare conditions from this imperial privilege. That is another sign of how it is important to conduct a thorough analysis.
I rely on Marxist concepts as starting points for understanding the world today because they provide the best way to explain what is going on. However, this is not to say that one can find the detailed answers in a particular volume of Capital. To think so would be almost as bad as believing in the prophecies of Nostradamus. Instead, the significance of Marx’s theory is that it so clearly spelled out the dynamic of capital accumulation that, much more than one might think plausible, his analysis provides key building blocks from which to understand major features of the world economy today.
Whether I use terms from Marx’s value theory in my analysis, and which terms, depends on the context in which I make my argument and how much time there is to do so. In any case, Marx’s work is used as just described. His concepts, like Lenin’s, might need to be amended – perhaps even rejected – according to an assessment of how the world has developed since they wrote.
The observation that capitalism in various forms has been around for several hundred years is commonly seen as an argument that it will go on forever; that it is an eternal, natural system for organising the economy. While economic crises are an undeniable reality and sometimes bring protests, there remains little understanding or acceptance of the Marxist conclusion that capitalist social relations are an increasingly dysfunctional, reactionary way in which to organise the affairs of humanity.

Tony Norfield, 1 March 2017


[1] I have little confidence in being able to track movements of the rate of profit through official statistics, although one does get indications of the underlying movements from the behaviour of major capitalist companies and reports of investment that suggest a rising organic composition of capital. Official data are focused on an individual country, and do not fully allow for international influences, something especially important for the US. Statistical conventions for counting the ‘value added’ by the financial sector make things worse, as exemplified by UK GDP income data in 2008 showing a higher operating profit for UK banks when the company reports, and Bank of England data, showed a very sharp drop, often into losses! This is apart from the multitude of accounting tricks that large corporations use to relocate the origin of their profits, including through tax havens.

Monday, 30 July 2012

The Rate of Profit, Finance & Imperialism


What role do banks play for the major imperialist powers? Everyone knows that the rich countries own the big banks, and that the big banks are in a powerful position in the global economy. Despite this, there has been little attempt to examine the relationship of finance to imperialism, still less to analyse the financial system as part of the every day operation of the imperialist world economy. Here I offer a framework for understanding this role of finance, which is part of a project that I am researching.

The points outlined are based on a paper I presented at the 5-7 July 2012 conference of the AHE/FAPE/IIPPE in Paris. Since that conference, I have revised and further developed the analysis, and here I present some of the results (I plan to get a full paper published). These summary points exclude the more detailed analysis, documentation and references. I welcome any comments.

I start with the standard formula used to represent the rate of profit on capital investment. By examining how this formula needs to be modified, if it is to reflect the workings of the capitalist economy, I show not only where the financial system fits into this formula, but also how the formula can be developed to highlight important aspects of the role of finance for imperialism.

First, a warning! Running through a series of definitions and equations can be a little dull. I have not yet figured out how to do this with witty literary allusions, nor by using cartoon characters, but I hope that the content of what is being explained is engaging enough to offset the dry form of presentation.


1. From the ‘basic’ rate of profit to a system rate of profit

The familiar expression for the rate of profit on capitalist investment that is taken from Volume 3 of Marx’s Capital is:




where S is the total surplus value produced, C is the constant capital advanced (on machinery, raw materials, etc) and V is the value of the variable capital advanced on living labour power.

However, strictly speaking this expression refers only to the rate of profit for productive capital, excluding any allowance for non-productive expenditures. Neither does it allow for the rate of turnover of the invested capital. Both these factors can have a big influence on the rate of profit for the capitalist system as a whole and below I will incorporate them into an expression for the system rate of profit.

Investment that is productive of value and surplus value extends beyond purely industrial activities and the production of physical goods. However, for simplicity I shall call productive capitalist operations those of ‘industrial’ capital. Expenditures that are not productive of value or surplus value may be broken down into expenditures made by the state or government and non-productive expenditures made by private capital. State expenditures have become very important for the capitalist economy, but are excluded from this analysis because I wish only to focus on the role of private capital. Private capital’s non-productive activity is in what Marx called the ‘sphere of circulation’. Here there is no production of any new value, but only a change of the form of value (the buying M-C, or selling C-M, of commodities), the borrowing or lending of money, or the trading of financial claims. For simplicity again, I shall call the buying and selling of commodities an operation performed by ‘commercial’ capital and the remaining functions those of ‘financial’ capital or ‘banks’.

The non-productive expenditures of private capital might indirectly boost productive capital. For example banks could provide funds for investment, or commercial capital could buy or sell commodities more quickly or in a less costly manner than the productive capitalist could do on its own. However, even if the total value and surplus value produced in a year increases as a result, this is a function of the value produced in the productive sphere only. The costs incurred by the non-productive sphere still have to be accounted for as a capital advance, and as an expense to be deducted from total surplus value produced.

On the second issue, the turnover time of capital investment, this describes how quickly the value of capital advanced returns back to the capitalist after the periods of circulation and production. Marx distinguishes for productive capital two types of capital employed when he analyses turnover: fixed and circulating capital. Fixed capital (machinery, tools, buildings, etc) lasts for more than one production process and gives up its value to the product in a piecemeal fashion; circulating capital (the value of labour-power employed, raw materials, etc) adds or transfers its value in full in one production process. Only a portion of fixed capital is used up in a year, but it all has to be advanced at once – you cannot work with half of a machine. Circulating capital will usually be turned over several times per year, so the total capital advanced to buy circulating capital at any one time will be less than the total used in a year.

These distinctions are used in what follows. A further note is that, for capital advanced by both commercial and financial capital, while only the depreciation of their ‘fixed assets’ needs to be set against the total surplus value produced, all of their ‘circulating costs’ in the year represent a deduction from surplus value.


2. The rate of profit including commercial capital

The rate of profit, taking into account both productive and commercial capital, can be derived by considering firstly the total value of the commodities produced in a year and the surplus value contained in them. Then this surplus value is measured against the total capital advanced in the year by both industrial and commercial capital.

In this expression for the rate of profit, the terms are defined as follows:

FC       the total advance of fixed capital by productive capitalists, with β being the proportion that depreciates in one year

CC       the advance of circulating capital for one period of production

V         the advance of variable capital to hire productive workers for one production period

B          the advance of money capital by commercial capitalists to buy commodities from and sell to industrial capital (this element of capital is not a cost that needs to be deducted from surplus value, because it is returned on the sale of the commodities)

K         the advance of capital by commercial capitalists for fixed assets, with β being the proportion that depreciates in a year

L          the total circulating capital costs of commercial capital in a year

S          the surplus value produced in one period of production

n          the number of turnovers of circulating capital employed by productive capital in a year

Using these terms, the formula for the rate of profit that includes both industrial and commercial capital is then:



Clearly, the system rate of profit now looks much lower than that implied by equation 1, since it has to allow both for a deduction from surplus value of the annual costs of commercial capital in the numerator and for the extra costs of capital advanced in the denominator. In Marx’s exposition in Capital Volume 3, these extra deductions and costs are not always evident, although it is noted that a faster rate of turnover (a higher value for n) will increase the mass of surplus value produced in a year.


3. The rate of profit allowing for financial capital

In order to show how financial capital can be included in our calculations of system profitability, it is necessary to define some additional variables. Let E be the value of bank equity capital, or ‘shareholders’ equity’ and let D be the value of customer deposits and other borrowings. It is important to note that these deposits include not only the surplus cash resources of industrial and commercial companies. They will also be boosted by the banking sector’s own creation of money.

The value of D plus E is used to fund the bank’s total assets, which I will designate as A. In standard accounting terminology, the bank’s total assets equal its liabilities plus its equity capital, so the next formula is:

      A = D + E

I shall assume that, of the bank’s total assets, a value equivalent to E covers the bank’s fixed and circulating capital costs (buildings, technology, infrastructure and salary costs, etc) and its core reserve capital. This is a reasonable simplification, and it leaves a value equivalent to D to be lent out. The lending can be to industrial and commercial companies, or to other financial companies (including buying any financial assets in the secondary market). This value D can then be divided into D1, where it is lent ‘internally’ to other financial companies, and D2, where it is lent ‘externally’ to industrial and commercial companies (I exclude households and the government in this analysis).

If the average interest rate paid on deposits is iD, and the average return on bank loans is iA, the bank’s net interest income (before deducting other, non-interest costs) can be written as:

      D(iA – iD)

The sum D2 represents the funds for investment that industrial and commercial companies have borrowed from banks. These funds are for their extra investments in constant capital, variable capital, plus a proportion of commercial money capital advanced and a proportion of the fixed and circulating costs of commercial capital. For the total constant fixed capital, FC, this can be broken down into FC1, advanced by the industrial capitalist directly, and FC2, that portion borrowed from the bank. Hence

      FC = FC1 + FC2

similarly,

CC = CC1 + CC2

V = V1 + V2

and likewise for the commercial capitalist,

B = B1 + B2             and so on

Since, by assumption, all the borrowed funds equal one portion of the total deposits of banks, then:

      D2 = FC2 +CC2 + V2 + B2 + K2 + L2

The logic behind these formulations is straightforward and it can be developed to derive some interesting and intuitively reasonable results.

Firstly, total surplus value remains nS, as noted before, but the surplus value is not only shared between industrial and commercial capitalists and the financial sector. For both the latter two sectors, their depreciation costs of fixed capital outlay for buildings, technology, etc, and their personnel and other circulating costs are not transferred to the values of commodities. Hence these latter costs must be recovered from the total surplus value produced in society. If we assume that the depreciation of the fixed assets of financial capitalists in one year is equal to γE, and that the total circulating costs in a year (including wages paid) amount to M, then the total profit appropriated by the three sectors is lower still than in equation (iii) above. It is expressed as:

      nS – L – βK – M – γE

The total capital advanced by all three sectors can be given as the sum of that belonging to the industrial and commercial capitalists, the funds they have borrowed from the financial sector plus the financial sector’s own equity (which here we assume also covers their circulating costs M). Hence the rate of profit on total social capital can now be written as:



While a little unwieldy, this result highlights the impact of the commercial and financial sectors on the total system rate of profit. It shows in particular how the rate of profit is much lower than suggested by simply looking at the ratio of the total S in one year to the C + V advances of productive capital. I believe this kind of formulation to be original. Although some elements of this type of formula have been discussed in the literature, it is notable that in Volume 3 of Capital Marx only discussed the division of the surplus value accruing to industrial and commercial capital between ‘profit of enterprise’ and interest. Marx did not discuss the rate of profit of the system as a whole once the costs of commerce and finance had been included, and neither did Hilferding in Finance Capital.

The methodology used here excludes financial assets from the calculation of the capitalist system’s rate of profit, except to the extent that the value of these assets reflects investments in the operations of industrial, commercial and financial companies. In those cases, the assets may be considered as capital advanced, whether or not the funding goes to productive or unproductive (commercial or financial) capitalist enterprises. Otherwise, the large volume of assets recorded by financial companies will simply reflect a potentially huge sum of value that is based on loans made (largely based on deposit creation by the banks), or financial securities and derivatives purchased. The only common element between the former invested assets and the latter assets is that they will, in general – except for derivatives – accrue interest or dividend payments. But while all such payments remain deductions from the total surplus value produced by the capitalist system, only the former assets can be considered as real capital advanced.


4. The profitability differences between banks and other companies

It can be shown (as explained in the main paper) that the system rate of profit described here drives the movement of some important profitability targets of industrial and commercial companies such as the ‘return on equity’. As the system rate of profit trends higher or lower, so will the industrial and commercial companies’ return on equity.

However, the relationship between the system rate of profit and the return on equity for banks is far more tenuous. This is because the banks can expand their assets dramatically through their ability to create deposits. These assets are multiplied by the interest rate differential (and fees) that they gain, boosting their profitability. Banks are at the centre of the capitalist financial system, able to gain access to far easier sources of funding than other companies, both from other private banks and from the central bank’s liquidity operations. As a result, it is considered ‘normal’ for them to have a leverage ratio of 20, whereby their borrowings are 20 times their equity base. Other types of company normally have leverage ratios of less than one. This creates a different dynamic for the return on equity for financial companies compared to that for industrial and commercial companies, and there is no clear mechanism for the equalisation of such a profit measure between banks and other companies.

Another issue arises from the fact that bank costs and profits are a deduction from the surplus value produced by the system as a whole. This should place a constraint on how far the banking sector can grow, but that constraint appears in a different way for different countries. If a country is an imperialist power with a strong financial system, then it can derive surplus value from other parts of the world, enabling its financial sector to grow dramatically and nevertheless remain a profitable area of business!


5. Imperialism and finance

The UK stands out in this respect. Not only is it a major imperialist power with a GDP in the top 10, but it has a banking sector that has liabilities more than five times national GDP.[1] Surprisingly, this simple point receives no coverage in the Marxist literature. But this omission is consistent with that literature analysing neither why the UK financial sector is so big, nor how the financial sector operates as a functional part of imperialist economic power.[2] It is not open to every country to establish a major international banking and financial network. The growth of the UK financial sector is based on its status and privileges in the world economy, one that has been promoted by successive UK governments, in particular from the late 1970s and in cooperation with the US.

There are three important ways in which the financial sector can play a key role for the economic livelihood of an imperialist power:

(a) By drawing on (relatively low cost) funds from abroad to lend to domestically based capital and to the state: this happens largely via the FX reserve role of the dollar in the US’s case, and via the London-based banking system in the UK’s case.

(b) By financing the foreign operations of domestic corporations, whether from domestic or from foreign funds, so that they can exploit foreign labour: this can happen via bank finance or via the stockmarket enabling the centralisation of capital. across national borders.

(c) By taking a share of globally produced surplus value: this takes place through the banking centres providing loans and other ‘financial services’ to foreign businesses and governments.

Each of these financially derived benefits for the imperialist power concerned depends on a privileged relationship with other countries, one that it is determined to protect. Hence the attitude of the UK and US governments to any measures to constrain the financial sector beyond what they might also agree is necessary to prevent further damaging excesses.


Tony Norfield, 30 July 2012


[1] See ‘Imperialism by Numbers’ on this blog, 1 May 2012, for more information on imperialist country rankings.
[2] An exception to this rule is David Yaffe, although I disagree with his analysis of the role of finance. See his article ‘Britain: Parasitic and decaying capitalism’, Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism!, 194, December 2006-January 2007, http://www.revolutionarycommunist.com/