Showing posts with label Malaysia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Malaysia. Show all posts

Thursday, 8 October 2015

Origins of the UK Welfare State


The golden age of the British Labour Party was the 1945-51 Labour government. So it is worth noting some little known aspects of its policies to cast some light on the political background to the modern day resurgence of ‘Corbynism’. Highlights of this administration in British popular consciousness are the introduction of the welfare state, establishing the NHS and a pension system. While there were economic problems in spending on welfare, since the UK was essentially bankrupt in 1945, the Labour government rose to the challenge. How did they do this? By using British imperial power!
One of the 1945-51 Labour government’s priorities was to maintain Britain’s imperial role. For good measure, this also included re-establishing French and Dutch colonial power in Asia, as a sign that the status quo ante could be revived in Burma, Malaya, Vietnam, Indonesia, etc. Using colonial Indian troops and Japanese troops to bring this about highlighted British politicians’ pragmatism and flair. Who else would have come up with the idea of defeating anti-colonial nationalists with soldiers both from a colony and from a recently defeated imperialist power? A stroke of imperial genius![1]
Although these events might seem to be an unfortunate foreign policy to liberal souls, having nothing to do with progressive social policies at home, in fact the two things were closely linked. Just look at how the new welfare state was financed.
Britain’s finances in 1945 depended upon foreign loans in 1945 amounting to £2,100m, or a massive 20% of GDP (note that £1 used to be worth something in those days). Of this sum, £1,100m was from the US. It was not exactly enthusiastic about Labour’s spending plans, but it was happy that the Brits were playing a necessary role worldwide in suppressing ‘communism’. For example, apart from the colonial efforts, think of Britain’s role in the defeat of Greek radicals and establishing a military dictatorship after 1945. So, history will record that the US played a role in funding the setting up of the UK welfare state! Another £250m was from Canada, which was both politically close to the UK and had done well out of the Second World War. Significantly, Britain’s colonies ‘lent’ £750m through the financial mechanism of the Sterling Area that gave them no choice but to do so. These were borrowings by Britain whose international value was reduced when sterling’s exchange rate against the US dollar fell in later years.[2]
After 1945, the welfare system quickly became unaffordable on the basis of Britain’s economy, especially when Labour increased defence spending during the Korean War. Apart from charges for prescriptions of medicines, something that led to ructions in Labour’s ranks and the resignation from government of Labour saint Aneurin Bevan in 1951, it also led to several years of rationing goods even more stringently than during the war. Above all, it prompted ever more nefarious plans to milk the colonies for economic resources in addition to the previous Sterling Area financial rip offs. Details on the former are set out in my article on this blog, 'Labour's Colonial Policy', 7 December 2014.
That is some of the historical background to typical Labour ‘progressive, alternative’ policies. It is based on using Britain’s privileged position in the world economy to deliver benefits to the British populace, completely consistent with Britain’s imperial role and nothing that could be described as a socialist view of policy in the world economy, far less anything that is anti-capitalist.
Jeremy Corbyn may know the history, in which case being a longstanding, proud member of the Labour Party raises a few questions. If he does not know the history, then it would reflect the more widespread arrogance, all appearances to the contrary in his case, of assuming that the rest of the world owes the Brits a living.

Tony Norfield, 8 October 2015


[1] I am not making this up. See Christopher Bayley and Tim Harper’s book, Forgotten Wars: the End of Britain’s Asian Empire, Allen Lane, London, 2007.
[2] There are few studies of these embarrassing (for Labour loyalists) events. One accessible source, written from a pro-capitalist market, although strikingly critical, perspective, is Edmund Dell, A Strange Eventful History: Democratic Socialism in Britain, Harper Collins, London, 1999, especially Chapter 7.

Friday, 13 December 2013

Sitting on the Dock of the Bay


(This is a guest article)

That millions of workers in Asia on minimal wages produce a huge amount of consumer goods for the West is such a well-established and undisputed fact that it does not require much further comment. These goods are often so cheap that their price astonishes us. Of course, once we consider the economics of the lives of the people who produce these goods, there is no mystery in this. Yet we rarely ponder such issues for long, because the inevitable conclusion can only be that living standards in the West are supported by the toil and sweat of millions of others.
But the systematic exploitation of what used to be called the ‘Third World’ - and is now fast becoming the First World in terms of industrial organisation and manufacturing competence - is not restricted to production. Every aspect of this production and trade is parasitical and hugely exploitative. Consider, for example, maritime shipping - the main way these goods get from the hands of distant toiling masses into the hands of consumers in the rich countries.
Almost all goods produced in Asia for the West are transported in large container ships. Airfreight accounts for less than 7% of the total. Despite the West’s clear technical superiority, not a single developed western nation builds container ships. They are all built in Asia, mainly in South Korea. So, it is not only the goods, but also the ships they travel in that are produced in Asia. What little shipbuilding of any kind remains in the West survives only because of the most stringent protective barriers or due to social policy protecting employment (the disparity in wages is so great that a global free market in shipbuilding would wipe out what is left of this protected industry).
The exploitative and parasitical nature of Western consumption even determines the design of container ships because of the unequal loading on the forward and return journeys. Ships stacked up with containers on the outward East-West journey can be the equivalent of a 10-storey building above the water line. A ship is stable when a proportion of it is below the water line, but a ship built to handle such huge capacities would be unstable in rough seas when unladen. Because we give Asia practically no goods in return, container ships have to return empty. So, to maintain stability the ships have to be built with huge ballast tanks to take on seawater. The ships are designed on the assumption that the West takes but does not give and that this will continue to be the case throughout the working life of the vessel!
A large container ship has a crew of around 30. The captain is almost always a very-well-paid European. The crew is invariably staffed by ratings from extremely poor countries that command extremely poor wages (mostly from the Philippines, Bangladesh and Malaysia). Were merchant seamen paid decent wages these would be reflected in a higher price for the goods transported.
Considering that 80% of world trade is from ‘East to West’, and that all container ships are built in the Far East, it would not be unreasonable to expect Far Eastern operators to dominate world maritime business. Not a bit of it. For 120 years very powerful Western companies, backed by monopoly practices of linked banks and insurance companies, and supported by port authority regulations, ensure that a whopping 90% of world shipping is controlled by a dozen Western cartels. Only 8% of shipping is in the hands of Far Eastern operators, the people who build the ships, who sail them, who make the goods transported in them, and who dispose of the ships at the end of their working life. Cartel shipping fees represent another transfer of income from Asia to the West.
A container ship has a working life of around 20 years. The cost of disposal is also a cost that must be reflected in the price of goods transported. Ship breaking is a very labour intensive and extremely dangerous activity. There are no breaker’s yards catering for large ships in the West. They are all located in countries where wages are extremely low (Bangladesh, Pakistan), where health and safety legislation is non-existent or not enforced, and where the compensation for death and injury at work is a pittance. Another sign of how cheap goods are bought on the exploitation of others.

O Redding, 13 December 2013